MAJALAH PLAYBOY BAHASA INDONESIA PDF

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It is achieved through prosody, intona- tion, and gesture as well as pragmatics. For its speakers, however, the most salient element of bahasa gaul is its lexicon.

Bahasa gaul has developed against the backdrop of a linguistic culture of multiple codes: elaborate social registers, honorific vocabularies, ritual languages, and exten- sive word games. Chambert-Loir Most well-known is the word play dagadu which is a transformation of the exclamation matamu!

These youth languages based on word plays like pig latin in English are generally associated with high school teenaged groups and seem to have strong links to written forms. While the slang of Indonesian college students has incorporated a number of words or expressions from these backward word plays, their associated word for- mation processes are largely non-productive in gaul.

The vast majority of gaul words is formed either through processes of abbreviation or borrowing. Abbreviations include acronyms, blends, contractions, and clippings.

Borrowings include words Journal of Linguistic Anthropology and phrases from informal regional and social dialects and foreign language bor- rowings from English. In fact, the two categories abbreviation and borrowing over- lap and borrowings are subjected to many of the same processes of abbreviation as Indonesian words and phrases.

Abbreviation The most productive word formation processes in gaul involve various forms of abbre- viation. Many gaul words, for example, are acronyms, made up of the initial letters of each of the words in a phrase. These are all examples of clipping involving the loss of phonetic material word finally. Most clippings of this type are multisyllabic foreign words. A second category of clippings involves words that that have lost an initial syllable through the process of aphesis.

These forms are quite regular and pre- dictable and are typically common, Indonesian terms. The linguistic processes of clip- ping and contraction are widespread in informal styles of spoken Indonesian and speakers of Indonesian generally have no difficulty recovering the full forms.

Some of the playful irreverence of gaul comes from the use of word formation processes identified with government official- dom to create a vocabulary which is anything but governmental, and which is used to talk about the everyday lives and experiences of particular interest to young people. Local Borrowings The other significant source of gaul vocabulary consists of borrowings. There are, for example, a significant number of word borrowings in bahasa gaul from the informal language level in Javanese known as ngoko.

In bahasa gaul, informal Javanisms are an important element of the flavor of informal youth interactions. The Indonesian film industry is located in Jakarta as is the music industry.

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In imitating Jakartan speech styles, young people aspire to the hip, modern, and cosmopolitan lifestyle of those who live there Swastika ; see also Oetomo Sneddon writes, To speak like a Jakartan is to be like a Jakartan: up-to-date, prosperous and sophisticated, whatever the reality might be. The speech of Jakarta is particularly popular with youth as a symbol of generational solidarity; using it sets them apart from the backward countryside and allows them to identify with the mystique of the modern metropolis.

Borrowings from Jakartan Indonesian are sometimes difficult to distin- guish from word borrowings from bahasa prokem see discussion above. A number of items with the —ok infix appear in the gaul vocabulary of university students today. Certain pronunciations are also borrowed from the informal dialect of the capital e.

Some of these features show up in the following examples. The first is from a male engineering student in a discussion of dating. The second is from a teen magazine for young males in an article on adjusting to college. Pantes, dong, cowok demen cewek. Elo bisa jadi target empuk buat ditoyor anak senior.

Over 30 percent of my corpus of gaul terms come from English. Notable by comparison—particularly in light of the recent Journal of Linguistic Anthropology resurgent interest in Islam—is the dearth of borrowings in youth slang from Arabic see also Supriyanti They were ubiquitous in my interviews and informal discussions with young people.

Cowok suka hunting. Hubungan kami itu nggak serius, lho! Kami enjoy saja. Doi betul-betul care buat saya. A similar pattern of English borrowings is also common in the informal language of many contemporary magazines and novels targeted at a young adult audience, and in advice columns in newspapers which attract a youth readership. Soalnya, gue nggak suka klabing.

Ada juga temanku yang sudah trendy, playboy pula. Some English borrowings in slang have undergone a process of assimilation to the sound system of Indonesian. Others remain in their original forms. As is evidenced in the examples above, the level of assimilation of English borrowings is also reflected in the spelling of words as they appear in print; with some words spelled as their English originals like trendy and playboy above and others reflecting Indonesian pronunciation.

English language borrowings are subject to the same derivational processes that affect other gaul lexical items. There are also English phrases which become blends in gaul, sometimes in com- bination with an Indonesian word. Yet other English bor- rowings undergo clipping. Examples of these types of con- structions appear in the quotes below taken from an advice column in a magazine for young men.

Youth Language, Gaul Sociability, and the New Indonesian Middle Class Satu lagi tipe orang yang bikin orang lain gampang ilfil ya ini, sensi dan tempra. Abis mereka nggak mau disebut kelompok cewek jaim. The presence of so many English borrowings in bahasa gaul raises a number of interesting issues. Connie Eble has argued that borrowing from foreign lan- guages is not a feature of slang in general or of American college slang in particular.

The reason, she says, is the general insularity of slang, its primary function being to bind together people of similar persuasions. In American college slang she finds little evidence of foreign language borrowings. The exceptions are borrowings which enter slang as word plays on phrases learned in introductory language courses.

In this way American college students use foreign language borrowings to strengthen their own group ties which are based on shared attitudes and experiences and ways of seeing the world Eble Indonesian college students also create humorous word plays involving English borrowings in gaul.

These word plays take the form of literal translations of common Indonesian phrases into English. Word plays like these, however, involve only a very small number of the English borrowings which occur in bahasa gaul and are hardly representative of the role English plays in Indonesian student slang.

Western, even global, youth culture emphasizes the positive value of cool nonchalance and casual informality cf. Bucholtz ; Kiesling English borrowings also figure prominently among those words in bahasa gaul which reflect the new concern among youth with the articulation of indi- vidual wants, needs, and desires, and with the formulation of new types of social relationships.

A contrasting pattern of English borrowing has been described as characterizing the formal Indonesian of newspaper editorials, academic writing and lectures, and political speeches and publications.

The use of English in these contexts often involves technical or specialized vocabulary. This pattern of borrowing has sometimes been criticized as obscuring rather than adding meaning to the language as exem- plified in the following quotation from an Indonesian professor emeritus of law.

Postmodernism telah melakukan dekonstruksi terhadap dominasi atau hegemoni negara. The redundancy of English in these contexts may even be signaled overtly by the use of the equivalent Indonesian term paren- thetically after the English word or the equivalent English word parenthetically after the Indonesian term.

This practice in particular has been decried by language purists as eroding the integrity of the national language. The citation below is a quote from a prominent Indonesian newspaper, commenting on the relationship between the Indonesian army and political parties.

Banyak pula mantan Pati TNI yang bergabung dengan parpol yang lulus threshold. Tetapi, hal itu dapat juga berarti peringatan warning kepada kalangan parpol. Tampaknya persoalan diko- tomi sipil-militer politik di Indonesia hanyalah materi percakapan di meja perjamuan kaum scholars saja. This can also constitute a warning to political groupings.

These patterns of the use of English borrowings in formal Indonesian add to the stereotyped opacity and formality of the standard. Such usages are particularly widespread among academics, politicians, and bureaucrats and have the effect of identifying the speaker as a person who is able, due to his experience or education, to use language forms which are beyond the expertise of the majority of speakers Errington ; see also Lowenberg ; Tanner In this sense the use of superfluous English borrowings in formal Indonesian, as the use of technical and abstract terminology, is a demonstration and reinforcement of status differentials.

Articulating Modernity In contrast to formal Indonesian, bahasa gaul, with its popular, youth culture focus, indexes a more inclusive ideology of gaul sociability. It assumes a shared orienta- tion toward the values of informality and commensurability and an attitude of Youth Language, Gaul Sociability, and the New Indonesian Middle Class self-confident cosmopolitanism.

Not surprisingly, the particular values expanded upon in gaul ideology reflect the social position of its upwardly aspiring speakers Kroskrity Students have appropriated elements from the speech styles of people at the social margins gangsters, criminals, street kids , and use them along with other local and foreign borrowings to declare their independence of traditional expectations and established social convention.

In the process, gaul has taken on new associations, becoming a linguistic emblem of the cool, hip, educated, and connected. Agha and others have emphasized the reflexive relationship that patterns of linguistic usage have to social status; that is, that patterns of linguistic usage both respond to independent status distinctions and promote status valorizations them- selves.

Just as might be expected, as gaul style has been drawn up from the world of social marginals to the world of self-realizing, self-fulfilling, upward-aspiring individuals, it has become responsive to the sorts of pressures and concerns that animate the new Indonesian middle class. As it has moved from informality and solidarity at the mar- gins to informality within a new and more flexible system of differentiation and hierarchy, gaul has also come to express a new form of linguistic status and identity.

Complicating the development and trajectory of gaul even further, during its tran- sition from dark and rebellious periphery to the well-heeled and hip new center, the speech style has also come to be mediated by a variety of new social actors, among them: professional managers and media talk show hosts, Dale Carnegie-like self- help authors, and sexual advice columnists.

Miller These gaul experts use the language of youth sociability to caution young people about the dangers of uncritical acceptance of Western models of behavior and the need to adjust them to an Indonesian value system and social reality.

It is particularly ironic that gaul has emerged at more or less exactly the same time that the Islamic resurgence has led many, especially urban, Indonesians to a more religious orientation and pious lifestyle.

Perhaps most surprising, a significant number of the new self-help experts and social commentators who have adopted the language of youth sociability identify themselves as devout Muslims. It is not a community defined by common residence or territoriality. Nor is it based on the shared experience of political struggle like that which characterized the early nation- alists of the Sumpah Pemuda of , the revolutionary youth of the — inde- pendence war, the activist students of the generation of — Angkatan 65—66 , or even the moderate Islamist youth engaged in the struggle for democratic reform Although it has rebellious undercurrents, the culture of gaul is increasingly defined by lifestyle and consumer aspirations, themselves originating, not so much in formal politics, as in the educational and mass-media experiences of the new middle class cf.

Liechty This orientation is toward, not a political project, but a way of being Indonesian in the post-traditional landscape of multiethnic, urban Indonesia. While gaul is very much at home on Indonesian campuses, then, it would be a mis- take to view it as just a byproduct of educated youth.

That community is itself as much an aspiration and lifestyle as it is a fixed social category. Moreover, the styles and sociability of gaul have now extended well beyond the more promising segments of the new middle class. This is all the more the case inasmuch as pop media and pop- ular consumption styles have themselves become carriers of gaul culture. It is a work in process, unfinished and fast changing—as evidenced, for example, by the recent incorporation of elements of the language of gay culture into its lexicon cf.

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Website majalah, MensHealth. Some terms, however, may stay around for a significantly longer period of time as slang; these words are what Robert L. The redundancy of English in these contexts may even be signaled overtly by the use of the equivalent Indonesian term paren- thetically after the English word or the equivalent English word parenthetically after the Indonesian term. I would also like to thank Asif Agha and three anonymous readers who offered excellent and very useful com- ments on an earlier version of this article.

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